Amnesty International: Nicaragua used ‘weapons of war’ to kill protesters

Amnesty International documents several human rights violations committed between 30 May and 18 September 2018 and details the different elements that make up the state strategy of repression to suppress the protests.

Amnesty International documents several human rights violations committed between 30 May and 18 September 2018 and details the different elements that make up the state strategy of repression to suppress the protests.

Amnesty International says Nicaragua used weapons of war to indiscriminately kill and injure anti-government protesters in, as part of the ongoing violent crackdown by the government of Daniel Ortega.

At least 322 people have been killed, and possibly as many as 500 or more, while more 2,000 others injured – mostly by the police and pro-government paramilitary groups – since demonstrations over social security system reforms began mid-April.

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Protesters have been arbitrarily arrested, tortured, and prosecuted, many on terrorism charges in law passed earlier this year. At least one journalist has been killed, and several foreign reporters deported.

The new report by Amnesty International, “Instilling Terror“,  documents several human rights violations committed between 30 May and 18 September 2018 and details the different elements that make up the state strategy of repression to suppress the protests.

Amnesty International believes that these violations were carried out not only with the knowledge of the highest authorities of the Nicaraguan state, including President Daniel Ortega and his wife and vice-president, Rosario Murillo, but also (in many cases) on their orders and under their command.

Ortega was once celebrated as a leader who helped win the Sandinista revolution. According to the Nicaraguan constitution, the country’s president is the commander-in-chief of the national police, and Ortega directly controls the force.

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Nicaragua’s President Daniel Ortega speaks to supporters as his wife and Vice President Rosario Murillo applauds

The state-sponsored repression conducted under the name “Operation Clean-up”  has included well-planned operations using military-grade lethal weapons against mainly unarmed civilians. AI documented the widespread use of AK-type rifles by the police and pro-government armed squads, as well as sniper rifles, machine guns and even portable anti-tank rocket-propelled grenade launchers. including the Russian manufactured RPG-7.

Meanwhile, anti-government protesters have used homemade mortars and firearms in a disproportionate and mostly indiscriminate fight against government forces.

Erika Guevara-Rosas, the Americas Director at Amnesty International, said: “The strategy of repression implemented by the security forces and pro-government groups in Nicaragua has led to grave human rights violations under international law…. which must be properly investigated and those responsible should be brought to justice.

“The international investigation must not only direct perpetrators, but also any officials – independent of their rank and political position – who ordered, permitted, or knew about the violations yet did nothing to stop them.”

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The report is based on 115 interviews that uncovered six possible extrajudicial executions. Victims include 16-year-old Leyting Chavarría, who was found dead with a gunshot wound to his chest following an attack in July on makeshift barricades in the city of Jinotega by riot police and paramilitary groups. The teenager’s body was found in an alley alongside a catapult.

In a separate case, also in July, officer Faber López was killed shortly after telling his family that he was going to resign from the riot police and that if they did not hear from him the next day, it was because he’d been killed by colleagues.

Official reports said López was shot in the head by ‘armed terrorists’ while trying to direct traffic. His body was returned to his family with multiple signs of torture, but no bullet wounds.

Torture has been used by security forces as punishment and to force detainees to give false testimonies, the report concludes. Several people interviewed by Amnesty bore visible marks of injuries sustained weeks earlier.

As the official death and injury count continues to climb, the true number of victims could be even higher. Many people are too scared to report attacks, even deaths, to authorities in case of reprisals; official investigations are often inadequate and geared towards identifying protest leaders.

One consequence of the widespread persecution has been the internal displacement and forced migration of thousands of people, mainly to neighboring Costa Rica. More than 20,000 Nicaraguans have applied or are waiting to apply for asylum since the crackdown began six months ago, according to the UN Refugee Agency.

The situation shows no sign of improving: on Sunday police detained more than two dozen protesters after using batons and stun grenades to break up a peaceful demonstration in Managua calling for Ortega and Murillo to resign.

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Nicaragua Adopts the Cuban – Venezuelan Model

In early October 2018, Daniel Ortega’s regime installed a state of siege via a Police decree prohibiting civic marches. The OAS Inter-American Commission for Human Rights warned at the time that Ortega instituted a de facto State of Emergency. He had essentially suspended constitutional rights such as the freedom of assembly and mobilization, free speech, and a free press.

The goal of the state of siege was to wipe out the independent civic protest and to suppress and divide the opposition. Further, they aimed to impose a false normality through repression. With this, they hoped to coopt the large business leaders and reestablish the regime’s political and economic alliances.

Nevertheless, looking at the facts, Ortega instead deepened his national and international isolation. In addition, for two consecutive years he aggravated the economic recession and the social crisis. This continued until the negligent management of the Coronavirus health crisis brought him an unexpected political invoice. The mismanaged public health crisis wore down the credibility of his leadership, even among the members of his own party.

The regime now announces the imposition of new punitive laws. There’s a push to allow the use of life sentences for certain crimes. There’s a new law to regulate supposed “foreign agents”, and a “cybercrimes” law, better known as the “Gag law”. With these, the regime is recognizing the failure of the police state. The repression never succeeded in squashing the civic protests. Even without massive demonstrations, the spirit of the resistance remains intact.  Despite the National Coalition’s stumbles and the lack of a united national front, today the resistance is greater and better organized. It now has a presence in all of the country’s municipalities.

In the next two weeks, the regime’s parliamentary steamroller will assure the approval of that combo of punitive laws. These impose severe jail sentences for any and all opposition, a majority who represent over three-fourths of the electorate.

However, in reality, the regime has never needed legal pretexts to repress and imprison. Almost two years ago, the police assaulted the offices of Confidencial and Esta Semana and executed a de facto confiscationThis was done without the backing of any judicial orders. Yet, despite the television censorship, they never silenced us. We continue our truth-based journalism. Meanwhile the independent press – persecuted, harassed and sometimes exiled – now enjoys much more credibility and influence than the official machinery.

The latest Cid-Gallup polls confirm that the majority of the population no longer believes the government’s lies about COVID-19. The express burials and the Ministry of Health statistics on pneumonia fatalities and COVID-19 tests speak for themselves. These facts refute the daily monologues of Vice President Rosario Murillo.  Because of that deception, every day political support for Ortega and the FSLN shrinks still more. His backing among the public employees, both civilian and military, continues eroding.

In reality, the “Gag Law” is aimed at threatening the honest and professional public servants. It is meant to keep them from leaking information to the press and the public regarding acts of political corruption.  Such acts are occurrences that the regime wishes to hide.

The “Cybercrimes Law” also threatens users of social media with jail time. However, the dictatorship will continue losing the battle for the truth in social media. They can’t control the massive exercise of free speech and the use of new information technologies now at the service of citizens.

These punitive laws aren’t a symptom of strength, but rather of the political and moral defeat of a minority regime. Why, then, does Ortega need to impose them against wind and tides?  There are at least three hypotheses to explain this imperious political necessity.  All are based on the regime’s urgency to adapt the Cuban and Venezuelan “model” of repressive authoritarianism to Nicaragua.

First, they intend to make full use of the Constitution and laws as one pillar of their repressive strategy. However, they don’t want these as guardians of rights, but as a means to criminalize democratic liberties and civic protest. Clearly, it’s not a carbon copy, but this strategy definitively reflects the Cuban and Venezuelan “model”. The regime is adapting that model to fit a dynastic family dictatorship with the aim of liquidating the democratic project in Nicaragua.

Expedited by the “Law” he’s mandating, Ortega will now be able to eliminate organizations of civil society. He will also control any eventual adversaries and political competitors, by criminalizing them as “foreign agents”. The Venezuelan experience demonstrates that despite high international political costs, the Cuban “model” can prove effective in giving the regime stability. Through this model, pure and harsh repression can be draped in a “legal” mantle. For Ortega, this translates into an incentive to accumulate political hostages and gain time.

Secondly, the regime intends to take over the agenda of justice and present itself as a punisher of “hate crimes”. The latter would now carry a sentence of life in prison. This, in the end, is merely a defensive act. It responds to the need to assure the Sandinista bases that they’re not the ones under the gaze of justice.

Those accused of true “hate crimes”, crimes against humanity, crimes with no statute of limitations, are in the regime’s inner circle. The finger points to members of the Ortega-Murillo regime who are most directly tied to the repression. However, as in the April killings and the failed official narrative of an attempted “Coup d’Etat”, Ortega will point the finger elsewhere. He’ll try to convince his followers that his own hate crimes can be attributed to the victims.

Thirdly, although the Nicaraguan Constitution proclaims political pluralism, this combo of punitive laws assures there’ll be no competitive elections. With these laws, Ortega has ratified his stance for the November 2021 elections. Given this, it’s illusory to expect some electoral opening from a regime that’s willing to play All or Nothing. Though they risk further international sanctions and a declaration of illegitimacy, they’ll be celebrating the elections with no competition and without transparency.

Will we arrive at the opening of the 2021 electoral campaign without a political reform?  The answer to this interrogative doesn’t depend on Ortega, but on the political opposition.  Ortega has already decided to radicalize his authoritarian model. Meanwhile, the opposition continues to be paralyzed. They’re discussing which electoral box is the safest, in imaginary elections in which they haven’t even been invited to participate.

Meanwhile, the national debate must center itself on determining the most effective strategy. The opposition must work on joining forces, weakening the regime, and altering the balance of power. They must thus force a political reform on the regime, one that results from national and international pressure. First, the reform, with or without Ortega, and later free elections.

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