Nicaragua Sent Riot Police to the Costa Rican Border

More than 500 Nicaraguans stranded by the regime in Peñas Blancas endure hunger and thirst while waiting to enter Nicaragua

More than 500 Nicaraguans stranded by the regime in Peñas Blancas endure hunger and thirst while waiting to enter Nicaragua

(TODAY NICARAGUA) The Ortega-Murillo dictatorship has stranded more than 500 Nicaraguans at the Peñas Blancas border, standing firm it will not allow those who do not present a negative COVID-19 certificate.

More than 500 Nicaraguans stranded by the regime in Peñas Blancas endure hunger and thirst while waiting to enter Nicaragua

The Nicaraguan Center for Human Rights (Cenidh) in a statement asked the government of Daniel Ortega “to let the citizens enter immediately”.

- payin the bills -

Having checked out Costa Rica, the group is not at Nicaragua’s door, enduring the heat of the day, cold of the night, heavy rain, hunger, thirst and only one toiler, waiting to enter Nicaragua.

In interviews with local media in Costa Rica, the stranded between countries say they do not want to return to Costa Rica, “they want to go home”.

The situation is escalating as a group blocked the passage of truck traffic to pressure the Nicaraguan immigration authorities and the regime with the deployment of riot police.

The border remains closed and no vehicle is allowed to pass in either direction,” informed the Cenidh in a statement.

- paying the bills -

Nicaraguan authorities only provide COVID-19 tests to Nicaraguans traveling abroad, not entering, at a cost of US$150, which is equivalent to 81% of the average minimum wage, according to the Ministry of Health, which, after criticism of the exorbitant fee, removed the option from its website.

The more than 500 Nicaraguans must use only one toilet and their is no shower.

Ortega violates the Constitution

Cenidh maintains that the Nicaraguan government must guarantee the COVID-19 tests, and according to the results, monitor their health, “but not on the border”, where they sleep in the open.

“The Ortega regime does not respond to the compatriots of those who have spent several days living in inhumane conditions on the border,” said Cenidh, who said it is concerned about the situation “that with both borders closed to them are trapped and without support.”

Various humanitarian organizations believe that the Ortega government is violating the human and constitutional rights of its own citizens, whom it does not allow to enter the country without negative evidence of COVID-19.

The situation was reported to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) and the regional office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights.

- paying the bills --

Costa Rican Immigration reports that the Nicaraguans have carried out the corresponding immigration procedures to leave their country, but when trying to enter Nicaragua, the country’s authorities blocked their passage.

 

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Nicaragua Adopts the Cuban – Venezuelan Model

In early October 2018, Daniel Ortega’s regime installed a state of siege via a Police decree prohibiting civic marches. The OAS Inter-American Commission for Human Rights warned at the time that Ortega instituted a de facto State of Emergency. He had essentially suspended constitutional rights such as the freedom of assembly and mobilization, free speech, and a free press.

The goal of the state of siege was to wipe out the independent civic protest and to suppress and divide the opposition. Further, they aimed to impose a false normality through repression. With this, they hoped to coopt the large business leaders and reestablish the regime’s political and economic alliances.

Nevertheless, looking at the facts, Ortega instead deepened his national and international isolation. In addition, for two consecutive years he aggravated the economic recession and the social crisis. This continued until the negligent management of the Coronavirus health crisis brought him an unexpected political invoice. The mismanaged public health crisis wore down the credibility of his leadership, even among the members of his own party.

The regime now announces the imposition of new punitive laws. There’s a push to allow the use of life sentences for certain crimes. There’s a new law to regulate supposed “foreign agents”, and a “cybercrimes” law, better known as the “Gag law”. With these, the regime is recognizing the failure of the police state. The repression never succeeded in squashing the civic protests. Even without massive demonstrations, the spirit of the resistance remains intact.  Despite the National Coalition’s stumbles and the lack of a united national front, today the resistance is greater and better organized. It now has a presence in all of the country’s municipalities.

In the next two weeks, the regime’s parliamentary steamroller will assure the approval of that combo of punitive laws. These impose severe jail sentences for any and all opposition, a majority who represent over three-fourths of the electorate.

However, in reality, the regime has never needed legal pretexts to repress and imprison. Almost two years ago, the police assaulted the offices of Confidencial and Esta Semana and executed a de facto confiscationThis was done without the backing of any judicial orders. Yet, despite the television censorship, they never silenced us. We continue our truth-based journalism. Meanwhile the independent press – persecuted, harassed and sometimes exiled – now enjoys much more credibility and influence than the official machinery.

The latest Cid-Gallup polls confirm that the majority of the population no longer believes the government’s lies about COVID-19. The express burials and the Ministry of Health statistics on pneumonia fatalities and COVID-19 tests speak for themselves. These facts refute the daily monologues of Vice President Rosario Murillo.  Because of that deception, every day political support for Ortega and the FSLN shrinks still more. His backing among the public employees, both civilian and military, continues eroding.

In reality, the “Gag Law” is aimed at threatening the honest and professional public servants. It is meant to keep them from leaking information to the press and the public regarding acts of political corruption.  Such acts are occurrences that the regime wishes to hide.

The “Cybercrimes Law” also threatens users of social media with jail time. However, the dictatorship will continue losing the battle for the truth in social media. They can’t control the massive exercise of free speech and the use of new information technologies now at the service of citizens.

These punitive laws aren’t a symptom of strength, but rather of the political and moral defeat of a minority regime. Why, then, does Ortega need to impose them against wind and tides?  There are at least three hypotheses to explain this imperious political necessity.  All are based on the regime’s urgency to adapt the Cuban and Venezuelan “model” of repressive authoritarianism to Nicaragua.

First, they intend to make full use of the Constitution and laws as one pillar of their repressive strategy. However, they don’t want these as guardians of rights, but as a means to criminalize democratic liberties and civic protest. Clearly, it’s not a carbon copy, but this strategy definitively reflects the Cuban and Venezuelan “model”. The regime is adapting that model to fit a dynastic family dictatorship with the aim of liquidating the democratic project in Nicaragua.

Expedited by the “Law” he’s mandating, Ortega will now be able to eliminate organizations of civil society. He will also control any eventual adversaries and political competitors, by criminalizing them as “foreign agents”. The Venezuelan experience demonstrates that despite high international political costs, the Cuban “model” can prove effective in giving the regime stability. Through this model, pure and harsh repression can be draped in a “legal” mantle. For Ortega, this translates into an incentive to accumulate political hostages and gain time.

Secondly, the regime intends to take over the agenda of justice and present itself as a punisher of “hate crimes”. The latter would now carry a sentence of life in prison. This, in the end, is merely a defensive act. It responds to the need to assure the Sandinista bases that they’re not the ones under the gaze of justice.

Those accused of true “hate crimes”, crimes against humanity, crimes with no statute of limitations, are in the regime’s inner circle. The finger points to members of the Ortega-Murillo regime who are most directly tied to the repression. However, as in the April killings and the failed official narrative of an attempted “Coup d’Etat”, Ortega will point the finger elsewhere. He’ll try to convince his followers that his own hate crimes can be attributed to the victims.

Thirdly, although the Nicaraguan Constitution proclaims political pluralism, this combo of punitive laws assures there’ll be no competitive elections. With these laws, Ortega has ratified his stance for the November 2021 elections. Given this, it’s illusory to expect some electoral opening from a regime that’s willing to play All or Nothing. Though they risk further international sanctions and a declaration of illegitimacy, they’ll be celebrating the elections with no competition and without transparency.

Will we arrive at the opening of the 2021 electoral campaign without a political reform?  The answer to this interrogative doesn’t depend on Ortega, but on the political opposition.  Ortega has already decided to radicalize his authoritarian model. Meanwhile, the opposition continues to be paralyzed. They’re discussing which electoral box is the safest, in imaginary elections in which they haven’t even been invited to participate.

Meanwhile, the national debate must center itself on determining the most effective strategy. The opposition must work on joining forces, weakening the regime, and altering the balance of power. They must thus force a political reform on the regime, one that results from national and international pressure. First, the reform, with or without Ortega, and later free elections.

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