Bianca Jagger Gets Into The Nicaragua Act Again

Guys like Ortega are back in power precisely because of socialist Sandalistas such as Jagger.

Guys like Ortega are back in power precisely because of socialist Sandalistas such as Jagger.

Bianca Jagger. Image credit: Vimeo screenshot.

(American Thinker)  Remember Bianca Jagger? You know, the disco queen and former rock-star’s wife turned leftwing “human rights activist” who was last seen mourning the electoral loss of Marxist Sandinista strongman Daniel Ortega, back in 1990?

As P.J. O’Rourke immortalized her, in this memorable passage?

- payin the bills -

On the morning of the 26th, the day after Violeta Chamorro’s victory over Danny Ortega, I walked into the Inter-Continental hotel in Managua and Bianca Jagger was sitting alone in the lobby. Bianca had been ubiquitous during the election campaign: There was Bianca looking smart in an unconstructed linen jacket and yellow socks to match, Bianca looking serious with press pass and camera, Bianca looking thoughtful listening to Jimmy Carter, Bianca looking concerned conferring with Senator Christopher Dodd, Bianca looking committed in simple tennis shoes and neatly mussed hair, Bianca looking important wearing sunglasses after dark. But this morning Bianca looked . . . her age. Here we had a not very bright, fortyish, discarded rock star wife, trapped in the lonely hell of the formerly cute — one bummed-out show-biz lefty.

I was feeling great myself, ready to turn somersaults over the Ortega defeat, full of good cheer, and pleased with all the world. But then the forlorn, sagging little shape of Bianca caught my eye and, all of a sudden, I felt EVEN BETTER.

Well, she’s back, this time supposedly supporting the student strikers as Nicaragua under her same beloved Ortega goes to hell. She’s “facing down the death squads,” as a helpfully suck-up interview with the Daily Beast reveals.

Bianca Jagger is on the phone from Nicaragua. Over the past two weeks she has campaigned for human rights in her native country, and borne witness to mounting violence as the regime uses murder to hold on to power. We had talked several times over several days, but now, as she spoke about students she had met with, and who had been shot down, she choked back tears.

Oh, barf. And by extension, that means she’s not on the side of the Marxist Ortega, whom she admits she knows “very well,” as she revealed to the Daily Beast. Yep, that she does, and it’s for a reason – up until now, she’s always been his biggest fan.

- paying the bills -

Guys like Ortega are back in power precisely because of socialist Sandalistas such as Jagger. Ortega’s victory in his second coming, back in 2007, was his chance to turn the country into a communist dictatorship. Never again would he let a mere election break his grip on power as it did in the surprise election of 1990. Polls at the time showed that Ortega would win comfortably and people like Jagger stated that this showed the wonderful appeal of socialist ideas. Nicaraguans, on the other hand, had different ideas about it, and lied to the pollsters to create that impression, the better to avoid retribution from the state for voting the wrong way, or to give Ortega the rationale to rig the whole thing and get elected dictator for life. Ortega watched and learned this lesson and by the time enough new young voters were there to not know the history, 17 years after his initial exit, he made his move to regain power in 2007 by elections. This time, he ensured that there would never be a free election again. Everything that has gone on since his recrudescence through the help of the Castro brothers and Hugo Chavez has been through electoral rigging and cheating. One man, one vote, once, so the saying goes. That’s why the latest activity in that unhappy land is getting rather violent and protestors are being shot by the regime in the streets. Ortega, as with all socialists, never intends to give up power. Raul Castro and Nicolas Maduro know what he means.

That’s what socialism is, and you can expect that same result every time it’s tried. Nobody wants to be the next Ceaucescu, which is what happens when you engage in as many human rights violations as socialists do.

But Bianca Jagger soldiers on, making no recognition to the reality she helped foster so early on, nor to the culpable role that socialism plays in the creation of a dictatorship. She actually claims to speak for the students in saying the students plan to go all Gandhi in their claim to non-violent resistence, even as a socialist monster with no intention of ever giving up power is what they are staring down. They can ask their Venezuelan buddies how well that’s worked out.

What it shows is her cynical affiliation to the international human rights chi-chi crowd, with its absurd ideas about non-violent resistance in the face of totalitarian regimes. Non-violent resistance does work, very well, when it comes up against actual democracies and authoritarian regimes that nevertheless have some fealty to rule of law. The British empire and the U.S. during the Democrat-led segregationist era are prime examples, as is Chile, which transitioned easily to democracy in the wake of the Pinochet era. Where it doesn’t work is in the case of a true socialist totalitarian regime, loaded with sins, fearful of being held to account for them, and determined to cling to power by some sort of Divine Right of Marxist Progress. Those regimes cannot be dislodged through peaceful protests. Jeanne Kirkpatrick articulated this iron law of human nature in 1979, in a piece called “Dictatorships and Double Standards” back when Bianca was agitating for the wonders of Ortega.

It’s all such baloney. Does this woman believe in socialism, or does she believe in the protestors protesting socialist Ortega? Based on the Daily Beast interview, it looks like she is trying to have it both ways – an ‘ours will be a really good socialism’ as Tom Wolfe once observed, and a camera-hogging move to get out front with the protestors, who are getting good media coverage, but who will probably have to fight if they want to get Ortega out of there – and sow the earth with the salt of a total rejection of socialism if they don’t want another one.

Jagger should just beat it. Her credibility is shot, her presence is a nuisance, and her hypocrisy is showing.

- paying the bills --

Article by Monica Showalter first appeared at American Thinker.  Read the original


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In early October 2018, Daniel Ortega’s regime installed a state of siege via a Police decree prohibiting civic marches. The OAS Inter-American Commission for Human Rights warned at the time that Ortega instituted a de facto State of Emergency. He had essentially suspended constitutional rights such as the freedom of assembly and mobilization, free speech, and a free press.

The goal of the state of siege was to wipe out the independent civic protest and to suppress and divide the opposition. Further, they aimed to impose a false normality through repression. With this, they hoped to coopt the large business leaders and reestablish the regime’s political and economic alliances.

Nevertheless, looking at the facts, Ortega instead deepened his national and international isolation. In addition, for two consecutive years he aggravated the economic recession and the social crisis. This continued until the negligent management of the Coronavirus health crisis brought him an unexpected political invoice. The mismanaged public health crisis wore down the credibility of his leadership, even among the members of his own party.

The regime now announces the imposition of new punitive laws. There’s a push to allow the use of life sentences for certain crimes. There’s a new law to regulate supposed “foreign agents”, and a “cybercrimes” law, better known as the “Gag law”. With these, the regime is recognizing the failure of the police state. The repression never succeeded in squashing the civic protests. Even without massive demonstrations, the spirit of the resistance remains intact.  Despite the National Coalition’s stumbles and the lack of a united national front, today the resistance is greater and better organized. It now has a presence in all of the country’s municipalities.

In the next two weeks, the regime’s parliamentary steamroller will assure the approval of that combo of punitive laws. These impose severe jail sentences for any and all opposition, a majority who represent over three-fourths of the electorate.

However, in reality, the regime has never needed legal pretexts to repress and imprison. Almost two years ago, the police assaulted the offices of Confidencial and Esta Semana and executed a de facto confiscationThis was done without the backing of any judicial orders. Yet, despite the television censorship, they never silenced us. We continue our truth-based journalism. Meanwhile the independent press – persecuted, harassed and sometimes exiled – now enjoys much more credibility and influence than the official machinery.

The latest Cid-Gallup polls confirm that the majority of the population no longer believes the government’s lies about COVID-19. The express burials and the Ministry of Health statistics on pneumonia fatalities and COVID-19 tests speak for themselves. These facts refute the daily monologues of Vice President Rosario Murillo.  Because of that deception, every day political support for Ortega and the FSLN shrinks still more. His backing among the public employees, both civilian and military, continues eroding.

In reality, the “Gag Law” is aimed at threatening the honest and professional public servants. It is meant to keep them from leaking information to the press and the public regarding acts of political corruption.  Such acts are occurrences that the regime wishes to hide.

The “Cybercrimes Law” also threatens users of social media with jail time. However, the dictatorship will continue losing the battle for the truth in social media. They can’t control the massive exercise of free speech and the use of new information technologies now at the service of citizens.

These punitive laws aren’t a symptom of strength, but rather of the political and moral defeat of a minority regime. Why, then, does Ortega need to impose them against wind and tides?  There are at least three hypotheses to explain this imperious political necessity.  All are based on the regime’s urgency to adapt the Cuban and Venezuelan “model” of repressive authoritarianism to Nicaragua.

First, they intend to make full use of the Constitution and laws as one pillar of their repressive strategy. However, they don’t want these as guardians of rights, but as a means to criminalize democratic liberties and civic protest. Clearly, it’s not a carbon copy, but this strategy definitively reflects the Cuban and Venezuelan “model”. The regime is adapting that model to fit a dynastic family dictatorship with the aim of liquidating the democratic project in Nicaragua.

Expedited by the “Law” he’s mandating, Ortega will now be able to eliminate organizations of civil society. He will also control any eventual adversaries and political competitors, by criminalizing them as “foreign agents”. The Venezuelan experience demonstrates that despite high international political costs, the Cuban “model” can prove effective in giving the regime stability. Through this model, pure and harsh repression can be draped in a “legal” mantle. For Ortega, this translates into an incentive to accumulate political hostages and gain time.

Secondly, the regime intends to take over the agenda of justice and present itself as a punisher of “hate crimes”. The latter would now carry a sentence of life in prison. This, in the end, is merely a defensive act. It responds to the need to assure the Sandinista bases that they’re not the ones under the gaze of justice.

Those accused of true “hate crimes”, crimes against humanity, crimes with no statute of limitations, are in the regime’s inner circle. The finger points to members of the Ortega-Murillo regime who are most directly tied to the repression. However, as in the April killings and the failed official narrative of an attempted “Coup d’Etat”, Ortega will point the finger elsewhere. He’ll try to convince his followers that his own hate crimes can be attributed to the victims.

Thirdly, although the Nicaraguan Constitution proclaims political pluralism, this combo of punitive laws assures there’ll be no competitive elections. With these laws, Ortega has ratified his stance for the November 2021 elections. Given this, it’s illusory to expect some electoral opening from a regime that’s willing to play All or Nothing. Though they risk further international sanctions and a declaration of illegitimacy, they’ll be celebrating the elections with no competition and without transparency.

Will we arrive at the opening of the 2021 electoral campaign without a political reform?  The answer to this interrogative doesn’t depend on Ortega, but on the political opposition.  Ortega has already decided to radicalize his authoritarian model. Meanwhile, the opposition continues to be paralyzed. They’re discussing which electoral box is the safest, in imaginary elections in which they haven’t even been invited to participate.

Meanwhile, the national debate must center itself on determining the most effective strategy. The opposition must work on joining forces, weakening the regime, and altering the balance of power. They must thus force a political reform on the regime, one that results from national and international pressure. First, the reform, with or without Ortega, and later free elections.


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