Exiles tell their dramas

They fled. In six months of socio-political crisis in Nicaragua, more than 23,000 people have left the country because they believe their lives are in danger, after participating in anti-government protests.

Many of the Nicaraguans who have taken refuge in Costa Rica entered that country through blind spots in border controls. Photo END

At dawn on July 17, Álvaro Antonio Gómez, his wife, and two children were awakened by the sound of gunfire. They also heard voices, something distant.

- payin the bills -

That day in the Monimbó neighborhood in Masaya, masked armed civilians and police forces carried out the “clean-up operation” to tear down the barricades placed by the anti-government protesters on the main roads of the city.

As a result of the operation, there were four deaths, including a police officer, and at least 70 people arrested, according to information from human rights organizations.

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Gomez and his family were forced to leave their home and take refuge in the homes of friends or relatives, to avoid the persecution that broke out in the neighborhood.

- paying the bills -

“That same day, family members helped us out of the city and we were hidden in the areas of the outskirts of Masaya,” Gómez recalls.

The man, 48, is the father of Álvaro Alfredo Gómez, one of the first victims of the repression of anti-government protests. The young man, who worked as a worker in a free zone and studied Finance, was shot in the chest on April 20 at a barricade in Monimbó. He was 23 years old.

Due to the siege suffered after the death of his son, and after the “clean-up operation”, the Gomez family considered that it was better to leave the country, and they chose to separate to facilitate the exit.

Álvaro and his wife stayed together, while their two children were received by friends to help them flee. The parents began to move from the city of Masaya to the border area with Costa Rica, supported by friends.

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“We were like this from July 18 to August 4, when we managed to leave. Those days we spent hiding mainly from a visit that came to the house where we were staying,” says Gomez from exile.

- paying the bills --

He relates that he managed to enter Costa Rican territory by way of a blind point of the border, at about 8 on the night of  August 4.

“After crossing the ‘guardaraya’ (borderline) we walked about 500 meters until we reached a vehicle that took us to another point inside the Costa Rican mountain, where we slept that night,” said Gomez.

The couple’s children managed to leave the country legally, without any obstacle from the Nicaraguan authorities.

Gómez says that both he and his family began the process of refuge days after entering Costa Rican territory, as their case is analyzed by the Costa Rican authorities, but until today none of them are working; they receive the support of humanitarian organizations and other Nicaraguan migrants.

“My idea is not to make life in Costa Rica, I plan to return to Nicaragua whenever possible,” says Gómez.

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Threatened

Ricardo Zambrana, the former host of Channel 2 television, also chose to go into exile after receiving threats.

Zambrana, who agreed to tell his story under the condition of not revealing where he is, states that after resigning from the television station on April 23 this year, he participated in anti-government protests and published on social networks aspects related to them, the reason he started receiving threats.

He affirms that many of those who poured insults against him were “old friends”, and as a security measure he chose to stop going out; However, as the tone of the threats became stronger, he began to weigh the possibility of leaving the country.

“I spent at least three months practically without leaving home. There came a point where the threats began to increase in intensity, so I looked for how to leave the country before having more complications,” says Zambrana.

Zambrana assures that he could leave Nicaragua without the immigration authorities restricthing his departure, but continues to receive threats through social networks.

Thousands fled

Like Gómez and Zambrana, in the six months of political crisis, thousands of Nicaraguans have left the country to protect themselves from any repression for participating in protests.

Marlin Sierra, executive director of the Nicaraguan Center for Human Rights (Cenidh), explained that at first the movements of those fleeing took place inside the country, as a way of protection, but later a forced displacement abroad was necessary.

Watch the video by END (in Spanish)

He noted that between April and August, according to official data from the Costa Rican Department of Migration, between 23,000 and 25,000 Nicaraguans requested refuge in Costa Rica.

“The mass of migrants who are going abroad are mostly university students, that is, we speak of a generation with a high level of education,” said Sierra.

He added that many of these Nicaraguan exiles have had to leave the country through blind spots (in the border controls), becoming more vulnerable to threats such as human trafficking and sexual exploitation.

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In early October 2018, Daniel Ortega’s regime installed a state of siege via a Police decree prohibiting civic marches. The OAS Inter-American Commission for Human Rights warned at the time that Ortega instituted a de facto State of Emergency. He had essentially suspended constitutional rights such as the freedom of assembly and mobilization, free speech, and a free press.

The goal of the state of siege was to wipe out the independent civic protest and to suppress and divide the opposition. Further, they aimed to impose a false normality through repression. With this, they hoped to coopt the large business leaders and reestablish the regime’s political and economic alliances.

Nevertheless, looking at the facts, Ortega instead deepened his national and international isolation. In addition, for two consecutive years he aggravated the economic recession and the social crisis. This continued until the negligent management of the Coronavirus health crisis brought him an unexpected political invoice. The mismanaged public health crisis wore down the credibility of his leadership, even among the members of his own party.

The regime now announces the imposition of new punitive laws. There’s a push to allow the use of life sentences for certain crimes. There’s a new law to regulate supposed “foreign agents”, and a “cybercrimes” law, better known as the “Gag law”. With these, the regime is recognizing the failure of the police state. The repression never succeeded in squashing the civic protests. Even without massive demonstrations, the spirit of the resistance remains intact.  Despite the National Coalition’s stumbles and the lack of a united national front, today the resistance is greater and better organized. It now has a presence in all of the country’s municipalities.

In the next two weeks, the regime’s parliamentary steamroller will assure the approval of that combo of punitive laws. These impose severe jail sentences for any and all opposition, a majority who represent over three-fourths of the electorate.

However, in reality, the regime has never needed legal pretexts to repress and imprison. Almost two years ago, the police assaulted the offices of Confidencial and Esta Semana and executed a de facto confiscationThis was done without the backing of any judicial orders. Yet, despite the television censorship, they never silenced us. We continue our truth-based journalism. Meanwhile the independent press – persecuted, harassed and sometimes exiled – now enjoys much more credibility and influence than the official machinery.

The latest Cid-Gallup polls confirm that the majority of the population no longer believes the government’s lies about COVID-19. The express burials and the Ministry of Health statistics on pneumonia fatalities and COVID-19 tests speak for themselves. These facts refute the daily monologues of Vice President Rosario Murillo.  Because of that deception, every day political support for Ortega and the FSLN shrinks still more. His backing among the public employees, both civilian and military, continues eroding.

In reality, the “Gag Law” is aimed at threatening the honest and professional public servants. It is meant to keep them from leaking information to the press and the public regarding acts of political corruption.  Such acts are occurrences that the regime wishes to hide.

The “Cybercrimes Law” also threatens users of social media with jail time. However, the dictatorship will continue losing the battle for the truth in social media. They can’t control the massive exercise of free speech and the use of new information technologies now at the service of citizens.

These punitive laws aren’t a symptom of strength, but rather of the political and moral defeat of a minority regime. Why, then, does Ortega need to impose them against wind and tides?  There are at least three hypotheses to explain this imperious political necessity.  All are based on the regime’s urgency to adapt the Cuban and Venezuelan “model” of repressive authoritarianism to Nicaragua.

First, they intend to make full use of the Constitution and laws as one pillar of their repressive strategy. However, they don’t want these as guardians of rights, but as a means to criminalize democratic liberties and civic protest. Clearly, it’s not a carbon copy, but this strategy definitively reflects the Cuban and Venezuelan “model”. The regime is adapting that model to fit a dynastic family dictatorship with the aim of liquidating the democratic project in Nicaragua.

Expedited by the “Law” he’s mandating, Ortega will now be able to eliminate organizations of civil society. He will also control any eventual adversaries and political competitors, by criminalizing them as “foreign agents”. The Venezuelan experience demonstrates that despite high international political costs, the Cuban “model” can prove effective in giving the regime stability. Through this model, pure and harsh repression can be draped in a “legal” mantle. For Ortega, this translates into an incentive to accumulate political hostages and gain time.

Secondly, the regime intends to take over the agenda of justice and present itself as a punisher of “hate crimes”. The latter would now carry a sentence of life in prison. This, in the end, is merely a defensive act. It responds to the need to assure the Sandinista bases that they’re not the ones under the gaze of justice.

Those accused of true “hate crimes”, crimes against humanity, crimes with no statute of limitations, are in the regime’s inner circle. The finger points to members of the Ortega-Murillo regime who are most directly tied to the repression. However, as in the April killings and the failed official narrative of an attempted “Coup d’Etat”, Ortega will point the finger elsewhere. He’ll try to convince his followers that his own hate crimes can be attributed to the victims.

Thirdly, although the Nicaraguan Constitution proclaims political pluralism, this combo of punitive laws assures there’ll be no competitive elections. With these laws, Ortega has ratified his stance for the November 2021 elections. Given this, it’s illusory to expect some electoral opening from a regime that’s willing to play All or Nothing. Though they risk further international sanctions and a declaration of illegitimacy, they’ll be celebrating the elections with no competition and without transparency.

Will we arrive at the opening of the 2021 electoral campaign without a political reform?  The answer to this interrogative doesn’t depend on Ortega, but on the political opposition.  Ortega has already decided to radicalize his authoritarian model. Meanwhile, the opposition continues to be paralyzed. They’re discussing which electoral box is the safest, in imaginary elections in which they haven’t even been invited to participate.

Meanwhile, the national debate must center itself on determining the most effective strategy. The opposition must work on joining forces, weakening the regime, and altering the balance of power. They must thus force a political reform on the regime, one that results from national and international pressure. First, the reform, with or without Ortega, and later free elections.

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