Inter-American Press Association denounces the government’s war against independent media

The Inter-American Press Association blamed the government of Daniel Ortega "for the physical safety of Mora and all Nicaraguan journalists who have been assaulted, harassed and tainted by a regime that does not have the least respect for human rights."

The Inter-American Press Association blamed the government of Daniel Ortega "for the physical safety of Mora and all Nicaraguan journalists who have been assaulted, harassed and tainted by a regime that does not have the least respect for human rights."

The Inter-American Press Association (IAPA) said in a statement that the arrest of Miguel Mora and the closure of the 100% Noticias channel is “a serious violation of freedom of expression and the press” and called for his release.

Members of the riot police monitor the offices of 100% Noticias cable news channel in Managua

The statement was issued before the beginning of the trial against the press chief of the cable news television medium, Lucía Pineda Ubau.

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“The Ortega regime shows with this action its intention to close all forms of expression in the country,” said María Elvira Domínguez, president of the IAPA and director of the newspaper El País in Cali, Colombia.

Members of the riot police monitor the offices of 100% Noticias cable news channel in Managua

For Dominguez, the Nicaraguan government “has declared war on independent communications media” and demanded the immediate release of the director of 100% Noticias and the press chief.

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The IAPA blamed the government “for the physical safety of Mora and all Nicaraguan journalists who have been assaulted, harassed and tainted by a regime that does not have the least respect for human rights.”

Mora was arrested on Friday night and presented Saturday in court, accused of “proposition, provocation and conspiracy to commit acts of terrorism.”

Pineda Ubau was also arrested and accused of the same crimes this Sunday, while the facilities of 100% Noticias remain under police surveillance.

The continental organization recalled that Mora “represented the journalists of his country during the general assembly of the IAPA held last October in Salta, Argentina, where he received on behalf of his colleagues the Grand Prize IAPA Freedom of the Press, which the organization gave this year to Nicaraguan journalists for their courage and commitment.”

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The IAPA also condemned the last week’s raid on the offices of Confidencial, Revista Niú, Esta Semana and Esta Noche.

“We express our deep support and solidarity with Mora and the independent media and journalists in Nicaragua who suffer persecution and violence for exercising their sense of responsibility and freedom,” said the president of the IAPA.

Costa Rica reacts

In Costa Rica, the government of Carlos Alvarado described the actions as an “affront to the independent press, the legal process against the journalist and press chief of 100% Noticias, Lucia Pineda Ubau, who has dual citizenship, Nicaraguans and Costa Ricans”.

Alvarado said that “as president, but also as a journalist, I deplore the escalation of repression and the persecution of the press that Nicaragua is currently experiencing.”

For its part, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) “denounces the detention of Miguel Mora, and Verónica Chávez, both beneficiaries of precautionary measures and cancellation of 100% Noticias signal, as well as the journalist Lucia Pineda. We call on the State of Nicaragua to respect pluralism and freedom of expression.”

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Nicaragua Adopts the Cuban – Venezuelan Model

In early October 2018, Daniel Ortega’s regime installed a state of siege via a Police decree prohibiting civic marches. The OAS Inter-American Commission for Human Rights warned at the time that Ortega instituted a de facto State of Emergency. He had essentially suspended constitutional rights such as the freedom of assembly and mobilization, free speech, and a free press.

The goal of the state of siege was to wipe out the independent civic protest and to suppress and divide the opposition. Further, they aimed to impose a false normality through repression. With this, they hoped to coopt the large business leaders and reestablish the regime’s political and economic alliances.

Nevertheless, looking at the facts, Ortega instead deepened his national and international isolation. In addition, for two consecutive years he aggravated the economic recession and the social crisis. This continued until the negligent management of the Coronavirus health crisis brought him an unexpected political invoice. The mismanaged public health crisis wore down the credibility of his leadership, even among the members of his own party.

The regime now announces the imposition of new punitive laws. There’s a push to allow the use of life sentences for certain crimes. There’s a new law to regulate supposed “foreign agents”, and a “cybercrimes” law, better known as the “Gag law”. With these, the regime is recognizing the failure of the police state. The repression never succeeded in squashing the civic protests. Even without massive demonstrations, the spirit of the resistance remains intact.  Despite the National Coalition’s stumbles and the lack of a united national front, today the resistance is greater and better organized. It now has a presence in all of the country’s municipalities.

In the next two weeks, the regime’s parliamentary steamroller will assure the approval of that combo of punitive laws. These impose severe jail sentences for any and all opposition, a majority who represent over three-fourths of the electorate.

However, in reality, the regime has never needed legal pretexts to repress and imprison. Almost two years ago, the police assaulted the offices of Confidencial and Esta Semana and executed a de facto confiscationThis was done without the backing of any judicial orders. Yet, despite the television censorship, they never silenced us. We continue our truth-based journalism. Meanwhile the independent press – persecuted, harassed and sometimes exiled – now enjoys much more credibility and influence than the official machinery.

The latest Cid-Gallup polls confirm that the majority of the population no longer believes the government’s lies about COVID-19. The express burials and the Ministry of Health statistics on pneumonia fatalities and COVID-19 tests speak for themselves. These facts refute the daily monologues of Vice President Rosario Murillo.  Because of that deception, every day political support for Ortega and the FSLN shrinks still more. His backing among the public employees, both civilian and military, continues eroding.

In reality, the “Gag Law” is aimed at threatening the honest and professional public servants. It is meant to keep them from leaking information to the press and the public regarding acts of political corruption.  Such acts are occurrences that the regime wishes to hide.

The “Cybercrimes Law” also threatens users of social media with jail time. However, the dictatorship will continue losing the battle for the truth in social media. They can’t control the massive exercise of free speech and the use of new information technologies now at the service of citizens.

These punitive laws aren’t a symptom of strength, but rather of the political and moral defeat of a minority regime. Why, then, does Ortega need to impose them against wind and tides?  There are at least three hypotheses to explain this imperious political necessity.  All are based on the regime’s urgency to adapt the Cuban and Venezuelan “model” of repressive authoritarianism to Nicaragua.

First, they intend to make full use of the Constitution and laws as one pillar of their repressive strategy. However, they don’t want these as guardians of rights, but as a means to criminalize democratic liberties and civic protest. Clearly, it’s not a carbon copy, but this strategy definitively reflects the Cuban and Venezuelan “model”. The regime is adapting that model to fit a dynastic family dictatorship with the aim of liquidating the democratic project in Nicaragua.

Expedited by the “Law” he’s mandating, Ortega will now be able to eliminate organizations of civil society. He will also control any eventual adversaries and political competitors, by criminalizing them as “foreign agents”. The Venezuelan experience demonstrates that despite high international political costs, the Cuban “model” can prove effective in giving the regime stability. Through this model, pure and harsh repression can be draped in a “legal” mantle. For Ortega, this translates into an incentive to accumulate political hostages and gain time.

Secondly, the regime intends to take over the agenda of justice and present itself as a punisher of “hate crimes”. The latter would now carry a sentence of life in prison. This, in the end, is merely a defensive act. It responds to the need to assure the Sandinista bases that they’re not the ones under the gaze of justice.

Those accused of true “hate crimes”, crimes against humanity, crimes with no statute of limitations, are in the regime’s inner circle. The finger points to members of the Ortega-Murillo regime who are most directly tied to the repression. However, as in the April killings and the failed official narrative of an attempted “Coup d’Etat”, Ortega will point the finger elsewhere. He’ll try to convince his followers that his own hate crimes can be attributed to the victims.

Thirdly, although the Nicaraguan Constitution proclaims political pluralism, this combo of punitive laws assures there’ll be no competitive elections. With these laws, Ortega has ratified his stance for the November 2021 elections. Given this, it’s illusory to expect some electoral opening from a regime that’s willing to play All or Nothing. Though they risk further international sanctions and a declaration of illegitimacy, they’ll be celebrating the elections with no competition and without transparency.

Will we arrive at the opening of the 2021 electoral campaign without a political reform?  The answer to this interrogative doesn’t depend on Ortega, but on the political opposition.  Ortega has already decided to radicalize his authoritarian model. Meanwhile, the opposition continues to be paralyzed. They’re discussing which electoral box is the safest, in imaginary elections in which they haven’t even been invited to participate.

Meanwhile, the national debate must center itself on determining the most effective strategy. The opposition must work on joining forces, weakening the regime, and altering the balance of power. They must thus force a political reform on the regime, one that results from national and international pressure. First, the reform, with or without Ortega, and later free elections.

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