Nicaraguan NGO Blasts Persecution from the Ortega Dictatorship

The pretense given to withdraw the legal status of the Managua based Communication Research Center (CINCO) is the culmination of a long persecution that began a decade ago with the return of Daniel Ortega to power. The following is CINCO’S pronouncement issued on December 13th.

To National and International Public Opinion

The Communication Research Center (CINCO) rejects the persecution of the Ortega-Murillo dictatorship against the population and civil society organizations.

- payin the bills -

We denounce and reject the arbitrary and illegal cancellation of our legal status on December 12th by the spurious National Assembly, under orders from the dictatorial regime in Nicaragua.

This repressive action has been preceded by the imposition of a de facto state of emergency that violates the Constitution. The violations include the cancellation of the legal status of other civil society organizations, such as CENIDH, CISAS, IEEPP, “Hagamos Democracia” (Let’s do democracy), IPADE,  Fundación Popol Na, Las Segovias’ Leadership Institute (ILLS) and “Fundacion del Rio.”

The pretention to eliminate CINCO is the culmination of a long persecution that began a decade ago with the return of Ortega to power and the accusation against CINCO  and the Autonomous Women’s Movement (MAM) for the alleged crime of “diverting and laundering money,” for the implementation of a project, financed with funds from European governments to promote the rights of women.

In August 2008, following the orders of the Ortega Presidency, the Minister of the Interior and Deputy Prosecutor, accused us of alleged criminal offenses, without presenting any evidence. The Public Ministry, abusing its functions, and with the deployment of 40 police officers, on October 11, 2008 raided the offices of CINCO, executing a seizure of assets, based on a bizarre judicial order issued by judge Maria Concepcion Ugarte of the Second District Court of the Criminal Court of Managua.

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After the illegal search of CINCO, they abusively lifted the banking secrecy of the members of its board of directors, took away 15,000 folios of accounting information and equipment. The Public Prosecutor’s Office had five months to investigate the alleged crimes and fabricate a legal case, and in the end, they concluded what everyone knew from the beginning: that there was no evidence to accuse us criminally in the courts, to justify the political persecution. However, the harassment against CINCO and other organizations that promote civil rights and democratic values, throughout the decade, did not stop.

As a non-profit organization, specialized in communication studies, culture, democracy and public opinion, CINCO has legal status granted by decree No. 247 of April 3, 1990 and has been in operation for 23 years, since January 1995, when it began operating according to the statutes published in “La Gaceta” on March 14, 1995.

In these 23 years our organization has produced more than a hundred research studies, has contributed to the development of independent media, has strengthened organizations and social movements and development of the use of social networks; free and informed public debate, as well as the observation of communication media and the study of governance in Nicaragua.

CINCO has annually fulfilled its obligations with the General Directorate of Revenue (DGI) and the Ministry of the Interior, obtaining its last Certificate of Compliance in the year 2017. Last Tuesday, December 11, 2018, the Secretary of the Board of Directors of CINCO, valid until 2020, attended a summons with the Director of Civil Associations of the Interior Ministry, who requested the presentation of accounting books and minutes for Thursday, December 13th.

However, before the Ministry of the Interior would receive and review the documents and verify the legality of CINCO, the National Assembly had already approved, in a “fast-track” procedure, the cancellation of the legal status of CINCO together with that of four other organizations, using falsehoods, and slanderous accusations.

CINCO rejects the allegations made by the Interior Ministry and the Ortega deputies, about the alleged illegality of its Board of Directors and the failure to present its financial statements. Both charges are false, and only constitute a pretext to deprive this organization of its legal status for political reasons.

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We categorically reject the accusations, which without presenting evidence, impute the promotion of criminal acts to “destabilize the country” and promote a non-existent coup d’état. These are false accusations that seek to criminalize the constitutional rights of association, mobilization, freedom of the press, and freedom of expression, which citizens defend with the support of CINCO.

The truly illegal and illegitimate are the members of the Ortega controlled legislature that occupy seats as a result of successive electoral frauds. Therefore, we do not recognize any authority or legitimacy of the National Assembly, to legislate or to strip civic organizations of their legal status and confiscate their property or assets.

The only coup mongers and destabilizers, are the heads of the Ortega-Murillo dictatorship that have caused the worst massacre in national history in times of peace, as well as a political crisis that has the nation’s economy on the verge of collapse.

We demand truth and justice for the crimes committed by the dictatorship.

We demand that the repression ceases, and the release of political prisoners.

We demand the end of the persecution against independent journalists and media.

We demand the cessation of repression against civic organizations.

CINCO will continue to defend the right to freedom of expression, organization, participation and the defense of human rights, with or without legal status.

The will and decision of the people of Nicaragua will prevail against the dictatorship.

Managua, December 13th, 2018

Communication Research Center (CINCO)
Board of Directors
Sofia Montenegro Alarcon
Chairwoman

Source: Confidencial

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In early October 2018, Daniel Ortega’s regime installed a state of siege via a Police decree prohibiting civic marches. The OAS Inter-American Commission for Human Rights warned at the time that Ortega instituted a de facto State of Emergency. He had essentially suspended constitutional rights such as the freedom of assembly and mobilization, free speech, and a free press.

The goal of the state of siege was to wipe out the independent civic protest and to suppress and divide the opposition. Further, they aimed to impose a false normality through repression. With this, they hoped to coopt the large business leaders and reestablish the regime’s political and economic alliances.

Nevertheless, looking at the facts, Ortega instead deepened his national and international isolation. In addition, for two consecutive years he aggravated the economic recession and the social crisis. This continued until the negligent management of the Coronavirus health crisis brought him an unexpected political invoice. The mismanaged public health crisis wore down the credibility of his leadership, even among the members of his own party.

The regime now announces the imposition of new punitive laws. There’s a push to allow the use of life sentences for certain crimes. There’s a new law to regulate supposed “foreign agents”, and a “cybercrimes” law, better known as the “Gag law”. With these, the regime is recognizing the failure of the police state. The repression never succeeded in squashing the civic protests. Even without massive demonstrations, the spirit of the resistance remains intact.  Despite the National Coalition’s stumbles and the lack of a united national front, today the resistance is greater and better organized. It now has a presence in all of the country’s municipalities.

In the next two weeks, the regime’s parliamentary steamroller will assure the approval of that combo of punitive laws. These impose severe jail sentences for any and all opposition, a majority who represent over three-fourths of the electorate.

However, in reality, the regime has never needed legal pretexts to repress and imprison. Almost two years ago, the police assaulted the offices of Confidencial and Esta Semana and executed a de facto confiscationThis was done without the backing of any judicial orders. Yet, despite the television censorship, they never silenced us. We continue our truth-based journalism. Meanwhile the independent press – persecuted, harassed and sometimes exiled – now enjoys much more credibility and influence than the official machinery.

The latest Cid-Gallup polls confirm that the majority of the population no longer believes the government’s lies about COVID-19. The express burials and the Ministry of Health statistics on pneumonia fatalities and COVID-19 tests speak for themselves. These facts refute the daily monologues of Vice President Rosario Murillo.  Because of that deception, every day political support for Ortega and the FSLN shrinks still more. His backing among the public employees, both civilian and military, continues eroding.

In reality, the “Gag Law” is aimed at threatening the honest and professional public servants. It is meant to keep them from leaking information to the press and the public regarding acts of political corruption.  Such acts are occurrences that the regime wishes to hide.

The “Cybercrimes Law” also threatens users of social media with jail time. However, the dictatorship will continue losing the battle for the truth in social media. They can’t control the massive exercise of free speech and the use of new information technologies now at the service of citizens.

These punitive laws aren’t a symptom of strength, but rather of the political and moral defeat of a minority regime. Why, then, does Ortega need to impose them against wind and tides?  There are at least three hypotheses to explain this imperious political necessity.  All are based on the regime’s urgency to adapt the Cuban and Venezuelan “model” of repressive authoritarianism to Nicaragua.

First, they intend to make full use of the Constitution and laws as one pillar of their repressive strategy. However, they don’t want these as guardians of rights, but as a means to criminalize democratic liberties and civic protest. Clearly, it’s not a carbon copy, but this strategy definitively reflects the Cuban and Venezuelan “model”. The regime is adapting that model to fit a dynastic family dictatorship with the aim of liquidating the democratic project in Nicaragua.

Expedited by the “Law” he’s mandating, Ortega will now be able to eliminate organizations of civil society. He will also control any eventual adversaries and political competitors, by criminalizing them as “foreign agents”. The Venezuelan experience demonstrates that despite high international political costs, the Cuban “model” can prove effective in giving the regime stability. Through this model, pure and harsh repression can be draped in a “legal” mantle. For Ortega, this translates into an incentive to accumulate political hostages and gain time.

Secondly, the regime intends to take over the agenda of justice and present itself as a punisher of “hate crimes”. The latter would now carry a sentence of life in prison. This, in the end, is merely a defensive act. It responds to the need to assure the Sandinista bases that they’re not the ones under the gaze of justice.

Those accused of true “hate crimes”, crimes against humanity, crimes with no statute of limitations, are in the regime’s inner circle. The finger points to members of the Ortega-Murillo regime who are most directly tied to the repression. However, as in the April killings and the failed official narrative of an attempted “Coup d’Etat”, Ortega will point the finger elsewhere. He’ll try to convince his followers that his own hate crimes can be attributed to the victims.

Thirdly, although the Nicaraguan Constitution proclaims political pluralism, this combo of punitive laws assures there’ll be no competitive elections. With these laws, Ortega has ratified his stance for the November 2021 elections. Given this, it’s illusory to expect some electoral opening from a regime that’s willing to play All or Nothing. Though they risk further international sanctions and a declaration of illegitimacy, they’ll be celebrating the elections with no competition and without transparency.

Will we arrive at the opening of the 2021 electoral campaign without a political reform?  The answer to this interrogative doesn’t depend on Ortega, but on the political opposition.  Ortega has already decided to radicalize his authoritarian model. Meanwhile, the opposition continues to be paralyzed. They’re discussing which electoral box is the safest, in imaginary elections in which they haven’t even been invited to participate.

Meanwhile, the national debate must center itself on determining the most effective strategy. The opposition must work on joining forces, weakening the regime, and altering the balance of power. They must thus force a political reform on the regime, one that results from national and international pressure. First, the reform, with or without Ortega, and later free elections.

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